There is trouble in Wisconsin.
But you knew that, which is why I’ve avoided posting too much on it. That, and I don’t live there, and because I know better than to get in the middle of other people’s ongoing ideological arguments – especially when there’s always more to these things than the ideological soundbites being chucked around.
But it is worth noting that if Scott Walker wins this battle, it may come at the price of his own political career. If you believe Rasmussen (who tends to skew its polls in favor of conservative politics), Walker’s approval rating has dropped considerably since the budget war started.
That shouldn’t really surprise anyone who pays attention. The Wisconsin situation isn’t just about union rights – it’s about the conservative ideology of small govt, austerity and balanced budgets. That’s important to remember because the GOP found out ages ago that cutting spending is harder than it sounds, especially when you go after the entitlements that make up the majority of the budget.
Look at it this way: from a pure numbers perspective, balancing the budget is easy. You can slash public jobs and salaries and benefits by as much as you need, and you can gut Medicare and Social Security and whatever else. You could do all that and balance the budget in a single year. P.J. O’Rourke once did it in a single morning (p.99).
There’s just one problem (apart from the severe impact on the GDP, the unemployment rate and Halliburton’s P&L, etc): that would be the last term you’d ever serve.
Because it’s not just about numbers – it’s about the registered voters behind those numbers. Balancing the budget to the extreme that the Tea Party wants (and the GOP pretends to want) requires the kind of career self-sacrifice that runs counter to political survival. Sure, fiscal responsibility and scare stories about bankruptcy and government takeovers get votes. But doing the actual cuts necessary to fulfill that goal doesn’t, as the cure is worse than the disease.
Or so history has demonstrated.
Walker is now finding that out in terms of political clout, although he’s certainly got three and a half years to recover from it. It could happen, depending on the outcome of the current budget fight.
And that outcome may be crucial for Republicans blathering on about fiscal responsibility. Up to now, they’ve always known (if not admitted) that they can’t really cut all that much out of the budget without risking their careers. If Walker can pass his budget AND get re-elected (or at least not hurt the chances of other Tea Party candidates in Wisconsin), the GOP may take that as a sign that they can get away with the same strategy in Washington without losing their jobs.
And then the fun will really begin.
Once they take back the Senate and the White House, anyway.
First we take Milwaukee,
This is dF
But you knew that, which is why I’ve avoided posting too much on it. That, and I don’t live there, and because I know better than to get in the middle of other people’s ongoing ideological arguments – especially when there’s always more to these things than the ideological soundbites being chucked around.
But it is worth noting that if Scott Walker wins this battle, it may come at the price of his own political career. If you believe Rasmussen (who tends to skew its polls in favor of conservative politics), Walker’s approval rating has dropped considerably since the budget war started.
That shouldn’t really surprise anyone who pays attention. The Wisconsin situation isn’t just about union rights – it’s about the conservative ideology of small govt, austerity and balanced budgets. That’s important to remember because the GOP found out ages ago that cutting spending is harder than it sounds, especially when you go after the entitlements that make up the majority of the budget.
Look at it this way: from a pure numbers perspective, balancing the budget is easy. You can slash public jobs and salaries and benefits by as much as you need, and you can gut Medicare and Social Security and whatever else. You could do all that and balance the budget in a single year. P.J. O’Rourke once did it in a single morning (p.99).
There’s just one problem (apart from the severe impact on the GDP, the unemployment rate and Halliburton’s P&L, etc): that would be the last term you’d ever serve.
Because it’s not just about numbers – it’s about the registered voters behind those numbers. Balancing the budget to the extreme that the Tea Party wants (and the GOP pretends to want) requires the kind of career self-sacrifice that runs counter to political survival. Sure, fiscal responsibility and scare stories about bankruptcy and government takeovers get votes. But doing the actual cuts necessary to fulfill that goal doesn’t, as the cure is worse than the disease.
Or so history has demonstrated.
Walker is now finding that out in terms of political clout, although he’s certainly got three and a half years to recover from it. It could happen, depending on the outcome of the current budget fight.
And that outcome may be crucial for Republicans blathering on about fiscal responsibility. Up to now, they’ve always known (if not admitted) that they can’t really cut all that much out of the budget without risking their careers. If Walker can pass his budget AND get re-elected (or at least not hurt the chances of other Tea Party candidates in Wisconsin), the GOP may take that as a sign that they can get away with the same strategy in Washington without losing their jobs.
And then the fun will really begin.
Once they take back the Senate and the White House, anyway.
First we take Milwaukee,
This is dF